In many ways, the special relationship is overrated, and has been for almost as long as it has existed. Churchill had to plead with Roosevelt and cajole him constantly to receive, initially minimal, support in the struggle against Nazi Germany. It was only after Pearl Harbour that the alliance really took off and, in the post-war settlement, American hostility to the British Empire was so great that in some places a power vacuum was left that has consequences to this day.
This is especially true in the Middle East, where greater stability would have been achieved if America had essentially taken on Britain’s imperial mantle. However, this did not happen, and Eden’s Suez folly was made worse for the West by Eisenhower’s response.
Even in the golden years of the relationship between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, the United States was slow to support her determination to retake the Falkland Islands, and he ordered the invasion of Grenada even though Elizabeth II was its queen. It was mainly a one-way relationship, with Margaret Thatcher approving the use of British air bases for the bombing of Libya and giving strong support, along with the Defence Secretary Michael Heseltine, to the deployment of American cruise missiles to Greenham Common in Berkshire.
Tony Blair recognised, when he was Prime Minister between 1997 and 2007, that the relationship with the US was the most important one for the UK, even at the cost of his relationship with the French and the Germans. This is especially important as he is an avid pro-European.
Nevertheless, this continued to be a one-way deal, with Britain supporting the US as a matter of routine. Blair’s remarkable skill was that he was able to get on both with Bill Clinton and George W. Bush; two very different presidents both in style and political alignment. This made for a strong Anglo-American alliance and repaired the damage done by John Major, who allowed Tory figures to campaign against Clinton for the older Bush, leaving Clinton quite hostile to the UK when he first became president.
This matters for the UK because America is the only remaining superpower, and its involvement on the world stage is generally benign. But it needs allies, and these allies need to be realistic about what to expect in return.
American politics is not dominated by foreign affairs. The sheer size of the nation means its people do not need to be unduly concerned with events outside its borders. Global news is of comparatively little interest, and elections are not won or lost on foreign policy. There are few votes in Peoria for a successful relationship between the US and the UK.
Thus, it is important to recognise the relationship will be one-sided. It will not lead to special treatment for the UK or any change in US policy to help us out, unless that is also in American interests. Starmer did well to achieve even a small amelioration of Trump’s tariffs, but it was a palliative rather than an exclusion from an essentially hostile policy.
Nonetheless, it is, in the UK’s interest to maintain the relationship. This is because US involvement with the world matters. It is a force for good. American intervention in the two world wars, as well as its willingness to defend us under its shield in the Cold War, both were of the greatest importance. However, there is always a risk of American isolationism, and a tepid response from the UK, normally its staunchest ally, encourages those instincts.
Currently, there are three major international risks, of which Iran is obviously one, but the continuing war in Ukraine is a second and China’s threat to Taiwan a third. In all of these, our interests are aligned. Even if President Trump’s attitude towards Ukraine is not all we would want, American technology remains helpful to the Ukrainians, and the sanctions on Russia harm its military effort. Trying to keep America on board is a vital national interest, while seeking to prevent increased Chinese power is similarly important.
China under Xi Jinping is as dangerous as it was under Mao, if not more so. At least, when Mao was in charge, China was not an essential part of the supply chain. Indeed, it was a very poor country, and was not a major investor in global infrastructure. Now, the one counter to the power of Chinese communism is American capitalism. On our own, the UK has little power or influence, as was humiliatingly shown by Starmer’s recent visit to Peking and the fact that Jimmy Lai still languishes in gaol.
Similarly, we are at risk from Iran whether we join in the attacks or not. Hiding behind a veil of legal primness has not stopped an attack on our own base in Cyprus, nor has it prevented Iran supporting terrorism in the UK and arresting innocent British tourists in Iran.
By virtue of our long-standing association with the Americans, the Iranian revolutionaries have long labelled us ‘little Satan’, with the United States the ‘big Satan’. If that is our position, then we ought to act on the reality, not on a pious hope. This is the nub of the matter.
Foreign affairs is not a question of ethics or law. It is daily practice. It is a matter of realpolitik. We need to defend our interests, and that means sometimes working with regimes we do not like or approve of, which may be undemocratic and use barbarous methods against their own populations. It also means giving a huge amount of discretion to our close allies and backing their decisions even if we have our doubts.
Some doubts may be perfectly reasonable. The history of Western involvement in the Middle East is more littered with failure than success. This is not just in modern times, in the Middle Ages we were often not only unhelpful, but damaging.
Thus, if we were primarily responsible for the decision of whether to attack Iran and remove the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, we might well have decided not to. But it was not our decision, and our relationship with America is much more important than allowing ourselves a warm feeling of moral superiority.
Donald Trump has said that he is “very disappointed” in Sir Keir Starmer’s approach, adding that he is “very sad” to see that the special relationship between the two countries “is not what it used to be”. Leaving aside the War of 1812, the lateness of American entry in the Second World War, and Suez, this is a damaging assessment from our closest ally about the state of our association.
It is Keir Starmer’s fault who, by allowing his legal sensitivities to determine his judgment, has in the end supported evil over good. His fetishizing of international law means Britain appears to be on the side of murderous Islamists rather than those who wish to build a better world. In the end, the US will hardly care. It does not need us, but damaging the relationship is an unnecessary price to pay and fails his own nation.
I am delighted to announce the Mogg Unbuttoned tour — a series of live events that will take me from the green benches of Westminster to theatres across the UK.
I would be delighted if you would join me — you can find out more and book your tickets at jacobreesmogglive.com.
You can now earn rewards by referring friends. For instance, if you can encourage three friends to subscribe, you will receive a month’s paid subscription. For more details please see the Leaderboard page.
Your comments would be most welcome. Please click the button to join the conversation. Thank you.
